
Sarah Despres and Susan Mayne got to this before I did, on LinkedIn, and they answered it better than I would have. Credit where it belongs. Both have been steady, sourced, unglamorous voices through this outbreak while a great many louder people have not.
Here is what they were answering. Calley Means — senior adviser at the Department of Health and Human Services, one of the administration’s leading voices on food, the man generally credited with brokering the Trump–Kennedy partnership — posted on X that whenever you read about the Cyclospora outbreak, you should know that junk food companies are paying millions of dollars to spur “this hysteria” to get you to eat less real food. There are Cyclosporaoutbreaks every year, he wrote. This is the first year there is a media frenzy. The post quotes an earlier one of his own saying those companies are funding a fake “food borne illness advocacy” group to feed quotes to reporters attacking the real food agenda. Attached to it is a sheet of corporate logos belonging to the Alliance to Stop Foodborne Illness. Eighty-five thousand views and climbing.
Despres put the shape of it plainly: a senior White House official asserting that concern over the largest Cyclosporaoutbreak ever recorded in this country — one that has killed two Americans — is hysteria manufactured by the very food companies the outbreak is financially wrecking. A weird conspiracy theory, she called it, and one that suggests a cavalier attitude toward legitimate food safety problems. She also notes that in an earlier post he described this outbreak as a couple of cases of diarrhea.
Mayne answered the specific slander, and she is the right person to do it. She ran FDA’s Center for Food Safety and Applied Nutrition from 2015 to 2023. Stop Foodborne Illness, she wrote, is a thoroughly legitimate nonprofit public health organization devoted to preventing illness and death from contaminated food. She has known the group for years, long before anyone had heard of this outbreak. And she described what is on the walls of their offices: photographs of the faces of children who died of foodborne illness, hung there as a standing reminder of why the work matters, because it could have been anyone’s child. STOP works with consumer advocates and with industry, she wrote, because food safety has to be a shared responsibility.
Noble organization, noble mission.
That was her closing line, and I would not improve on it. Despres added that she has worked with STOP’s chief executive, Sandra Eskin — until recently the Deputy Under Secretary for Food Safety at the United States Department of Agriculture — and that Eskin has the record to back the commitment. I have watched this organization for three decades. Nobody bought it. It was built by people who arrived the hard way, carrying photographs.
Now take the accusation seriously enough to check it, because it collapses on the evidence Means chose himself.
The Alliance is not the same thing as Stop Foodborne Illness, and he has run the two together. It is a program housed inside STOP, launched in 2018 with ten companies and now at twenty-five industry partners, organized around food safety culture. Member companies pay in. That is a fair thing to disclose and a fair thing to argue about — I have spent years being skeptical of industry-funded food safety work and I will keep being skeptical of it. But disclosure is not fabrication. Saying a group takes corporate money is a criticism. Saying it does not really exist is a fantasy.
And look at whose logos are actually on the sheet he posted as proof. In December of last year, the Alliance added five members: Amazon, Amerisan, the Meat Institute, Mérieux NutriSciences, and Yum! Brands. Yum! Brands is Taco Bell. Its logo sits in the middle of the image he tweeted. So, the theory is that the corporate parent of the restaurant chain at the dead center of this outbreak — the chain whose sales have taken the hit, whose franchisees are named defendants in lawsuits my firm has filed — is quietly financing the panic about itself. The National Restaurant Association is on that sheet too, which is to say the trade association whose entire job is defending restaurants from exactly this kind of story. Walmart is on it, and Walmart sold the recalled Marketside lettuce. These are not the beneficiaries of lettuce fear. These are its casualties. That is Despres’s point about the illogic, and it is fatal to the whole theory.
The line about every year is true and useless. There are Cyclospora cases every summer; I have been writing about them since the 1990s. The reason there is a frenzy this year is that the numbers are not last year’s numbers. CDC now counts 6,358 illnesses across fifteen states in the lettuce outbreak alone, with at least 278 hospitalizations and two deaths in Michigan, while the states themselves report more than twenty thousand confirmed and suspected cases nationally. It is the largest Cyclospora outbreak this country has ever recorded, by a wide margin. Using an accurate background fact to launder away a foreground one is an old trick. Yes, there are outbreaks every year. There has never been one like this. It is not a couple of cases of diarrhea.
There is a real concern buried under the conspiracy framing, and Mayne got there first and got there better. In an essay in STAT she wrote that consumers should not be faced with a trade-off between nutrition and food safety. That is the legitimate version of the point. People do flee produce after a leafy green outbreak. They go to the pizza and the Doritos and tell themselves an Oreo never gave anybody explosive diarrhea, and they end up differently sick on a longer timeline from something that will never make the news. Nobody wins that trade, and I have watched it happen after every one of these for thirty years. But Mayne names the cause, and the cause is not a cabal. She has been documenting it week after week — career staff shown the door, the advisory committee disbanded, the joint work with Mexican counterparts ended, FoodNet cut from eight pathogens to two with Cyclospora among the six dropped, the traceability rule pushed to 2028. Asked on CBS Sunday Morning whether an outbreak next year could be traced, she said it could not. Her verdict was that this is a national wake-up call.
Despres has been asking the accountability half of the question, and she has the background for it — fifteen years of congressional oversight work, then Pew, then four years as Counselor for Public Health and Science in the Secretary’s office at HHS. Back on July 18 she asked publicly whether the Secretary was pushing Taylor Farms to be more transparent, given that the company was not making its customer list public. Three weeks later that is still the live question, and it has only sharpened as CNN documented the company’s long history of deflecting after outbreaks. Note what the two women have in common. Neither is asking the public to distrust vegetables. Both are asking the government to do the work that would let people trust them.
One last thing, and it is the part that bothers me most. Asked about this outbreak by a reporter this same week, Means said, “I don’t have a comment on cyclospora,” and that he did not want to get into it. No comment for the reporter. Eighty-five thousand views for the conspiracy theory. Two people are dead in Michigan and hundreds have been hospitalized, and the response from a senior official in the department that runs both CDC and FDA is that their families are props in a marketing campaign paid for by Costco and Hershey.
Understand where this criticism is coming from, because it is not coming from outside the tent. I have spent years arguing that the American diet is making people sick, that ultra-processed food is a public health problem, and that whole food is better food. Marion Nestle, who has taken more incoming from this administration than almost anyone, has said flatly that she is not MAHA’s enemy and supports parts of its agenda. Mayne’s whole argument is that nutrition and food safety rise and fall together. The people pushing back hardest on Means this week are not the opponents of eating real food. They are the ones who would have to make it actually work — and who know that it cannot work while the surveillance system that keeps real food from killing people is being taken apart.
That is why this matters beyond one bad tweet. The administration needs serious people advising it on food. There is real work available here — restore Cyclospora to FoodNet, stop delaying traceability, publish one national number the public can rely on — and none of it is partisan. An adviser who spent this week on that instead of on a conspiracy theory about Costco and Hershey would have my support and my thanks. Calling the parents of dead children a front group is not serious work. It is not even in the neighborhood of serious work.
Despres ended her post by saying it appears the White House is not taking this outbreak seriously, but that she is glad FDA’s career staff and outside groups are. That is about where I land too. I am not asking Means to agree with me about FoodNet, or traceability, or who should pay for what. I am asking him to look at the logo sheet he posted. Taco Bell’s parent company is on it. And somewhere on a wall in Chicago there are photographs of children, hung by the people he just called fake.









