
I have been suing companies that poison people since 1993. I started with Jack in the Box. Four kids died. Hundreds more got sick. I am still at it more than thirty years later.
So, when somebody hands Congress a to-do list on food, I read it with one question in mind: will this keep people out of my office?
On Monday, Sarah Sorscher, Director of Regulatory Affairs at the Center for Science in the Public Interest, put out exactly that kind of list. Her piece, How the next Congress can fix our broken food system, lays out seven things the 120th Congress can do starting in January. Restore SNAP. Feed kids at school. Bring grocery prices down. Take on harmful processed foods. Fund and protect food safety programs. Push back on corporate influence. Do real oversight.
I agree with all seven. Frankly, it is the clearest, most useful thing I have read about food policy since the election.
Let me say this plainly: Sarah is one of the best food safety advocates in Washington. She is a lawyer with a public health degree. She serves on federal advisory committees, testifies before Congress, and actually reads the regulations, which is more than I can say for a lot of people who comment on them. When Sarah writes something, I pay attention, and so should Congress.
And CSPI has earned the right to be listened to. It has been the public’s food and health watchdog for more than fifty years. It does not take corporate money. It has been in the fight on food dyes, additives, labeling, and pathogens long before any of this was fashionable. I have stood next to CSPI on more issues than I can count, and I am proud to stand next to them again.
I want to spend most of my time on the parts of Sarah’s list I know best, the ones that show up on my desk as lawsuits.
Nobody campaigns for E. coli
CSPI makes a point that should not be controversial: food safety is a kitchen-table issue with long bipartisan support.
That has been true my entire career. Republicans and Democrats both eat. Their kids both drink formula and eat hamburgers and bagged salad. The Food Safety Modernization Act passed with votes from both parties after the peanut butter disaster of 2008 and 2009. Nobody runs for office promising more Salmonella.
And yet, as CSPI puts it, the people running Washington right now have taken us backward. I have watched it happen in real time. Here is what I mean.
We are going blind on purpose
In July 2025, CDC quietly cut FoodNet. FoodNet is the program that actively tracks foodborne infections in ten states covering roughly 16% of the country. It had been running since 1995. Required monitoring dropped from eight pathogens to two, Salmonella and Shiga toxin-producing E. coli.
Campylobacter, Cyclospora, Listeria, Shigella, Vibrio and Yersinia became optional.
Think about that list. Campylobacter alone caused an estimated 1.9 million foodborne illnesses in 2019, more than Salmonella or STEC. Listeria kills people. Vibrio kills people. Cyclospora outbreaks tied to produce show up every single summer.
I have clients right now with Campylobacter, Vibrio, Cyclospora and Listeria infections. Those are exactly the bugs we stopped actively counting.
CDC’s own talking points said funding had not kept pace. Frank Yiannas, who ran food safety at FDA and is nobody’s idea of a radical, warned that we will no longer know as accurately whether things are getting better or worse.
You cannot fix what you refuse to measure. CSPI is right that Congress has to restore FoodNet, and it should do it in the first appropriations bill it touches.
The chainsaw at FDA
In March 2025, HHS announced it would cut 3,500 people from FDA, about 20% of the agency. We were told inspectors were safe. Then we learned from reporting that about 170 people in FDA’s Office of Inspections and Investigations were let go.
The administration also scrapped two long-running expert panels, the National Advisory Committee on Microbiological Criteria for Foods and the meat and poultry inspection committee. Those were the scientists who told regulators what the data actually said.
This was on top of a system that was already behind. According to a 2025 GAO report cited by TIME, FDA last met its own FSMA mandate for domestic food facility inspections in 2018.
Experienced inspectors take years to train. You do not rebuild that bench with a press release. CSPI’s call to fund and protect USDA and FDA food safety programs is not a wish list item. It is the floor.
Chicken still makes people sick
In April 2025, USDA withdrew its proposed Salmonella framework for raw poultry, a plan that took years to build and would have set enforceable limits on the most dangerous Salmonella in chicken and turkey.
The numbers have not changed. CDC estimates Salmonella causes about 1.35 million infections and roughly 420 deaths a year. USDA itself estimates 125,000 of those come from chicken and 43,000 from turkey.
We know what works because we have done it before. After Jack in the Box, USDA declared E. coli O157:H7 an adulterant in ground beef in 1994. Related illnesses have since fallen by more than half.
That is why I keep pushing FSIS to treat dangerous Salmonella in raw poultry the same way. Congress does not need to wait for the agency. It can hold hearings, ask why a science-based rule was shelved, and put the question to the industry under oath.
Babies are not supposed to get botulism from formula
Here is the example that keeps me up at night.
Last year, families started bringing their infants to hospitals with botulism. The common thread was ByHeart Whole Nutrition powdered formula. By the time CDC declared the outbreak over, 48 infants had been counted, every one of them hospitalized. FDA said it was the first known botulism outbreak tied to infant formula anywhere in the world.
Then a second brand, Nara Organics, was tied to another infant botulism outbreak.
I represent families from both. I have sat with parents who watched their babies lose the ability to hold up their heads.
FDA eventually linked the ByHeart outbreak to an ingredient from a supplier but did not publicly name the supplier. That is a problem. Parents, retailers and other manufacturers deserve to know where contaminated ingredients came from. It is the same reason I have asked FDA to require public disclosure of firms tied to outbreaks and to publish recall consignee lists.
This is what “fund and protect food safety programs” means in the real world. It means the investigators, lab scientists and epidemiologists who figure out why babies are sick, and fast.
Close the GRAS loophole, for real
CSPI’s fourth point is about chemicals, and it is a good one.
Under the GRAS loophole, companies can self-certify that new food chemical uses are safe, in secret, without telling FDA or the public. In August, HHS rolled out a proposal and called it closing the loophole. CSPI’s Peter Lurie pointed out that the proposal still lets companies sell products before or while they notify FDA. There is still no premarket approval. CSPI has been fighting this loophole for decades, and even sued FDA over it in 2017. They have been right the whole time.
I have filed my own comments on GRAS. My view is simple. If you want to put a new chemical in food, show FDA the data first and wait for an answer. That is how drugs work. Congress can write that into law and stop relying on an agency proposal that may never be finalized.
Food security and food safety are the same fight
I am a food safety lawyer, not a nutrition lawyer. But CSPI is right to put SNAP and school meals at the top of the list.
The tax and spending law Congress passed in 2025, HR 1, cut SNAP by about $186 billion over ten years, according to CBO. CBO also estimated that tighter work requirements alone would leave about 2.4 million fewer people on the program. For the first time, states have to pick up a share of benefit costs, and their share of administrative costs jumps from 50% to 75%.
A family that cannot afford food does not get to be choosy about where it comes from. Safe food that nobody can afford is not much of a win. CSPI’s push to restore SNAP, expand GusNIP for fruits and vegetables, and pass Healthy School Meals for All belongs in the same conversation as inspections and surveillance.
Hearings are cheap, and they work
CSPI is honest about the politics. The new Congress cannot pass much without the President’s signature. But it has enormous power to investigate and expose.
I have seen what a good hearing can do. Congress hauled the peanut company’s owner in after the 2009 outbreak, and that helped push FSMA over the finish line. Oversight is not a consolation prize.
Here are questions I would like to hear asked under oath next year. Who decided to cut FoodNet, and what data did they use? How many FDA food inspections have not happened since the layoffs? Why was the Salmonella framework withdrawn after years of work? Why have we still not been told which supplier sent contaminated milk powder into infant formula?
And while they are at it, Congress should finally look hard at the fact that food safety is split among more than a dozen federal agencies. I have argued for a single food safety agency for years. A Congress serious about oversight will see the cracks this structure creates.
The other side’s case
To be fair, the administration and industry have answers. USDA said the Salmonella framework would have imposed significant financial and operational burdens without an effective, achievable approach. CDC said narrowing FoodNet lets staff prioritize core work on the two pathogens behind the most severe illness. Supporters of HR 1 argue work requirements and state cost-sharing make SNAP more accountable.
I have heard versions of these arguments my whole career. Cost is real. But so are the hospital bills, the lost workdays, and the kids on dialysis. I have spent three decades adding up what preventable foodborne illness costs. Prevention is cheaper.
The bottom line
Sarah and CSPI have handed the 120th Congress a road map, and they deserve real credit for it. It is practical. Most of it should not be partisan. And it lines up with what I see every week.
Restore FoodNet. Fund the people who inspect our food and investigate outbreaks. Set real standards for Salmonella in poultry. Close the GRAS loophole with premarket review. Tell the public which companies are tied to outbreaks. Feed people.
If you agree, call your members of Congress and tell them so. If they ask why, tell them a food safety lawyer would love to have fewer clients.
Thank you, Sarah, and thank you, CSPI. Keep it coming.
Sources
- Sarah Sorscher, CSPI, How the next Congress can fix our broken food system (Nov. 9, 2026)
- CSPI, Sarah Sorscher, JD, MPH (biography)
- CSPI, 50 years as your food and health watchdog
- KFF Health News via CSPI, Food safety finds a place among kitchen-table political issues (Sept. 28, 2026)
- Associated Press, CDC dramatically scales back program that tracks food poisoning infections (Aug. 27, 2025)
- Food Safety Magazine, CDC Slashes FoodNet Surveillance From Eight Foodborne Pathogens to Two(Aug. 26, 2025)
- Food Safety Magazine, Department News Bites, Oct./Nov. 2025
- House Oversight Democrats, Letter urging HHS to halt FDA staff purge (Apr. 8, 2025)
- Consumer Federation of America, Taking the Chainsaw to Food Safety (Apr. 3, 2025)
- TIME, Food Safety Was Slipping in the U.S. Then Came Mass Layoffs
- Food Safety Magazine, USDA Withdraws Proposed Regulatory Framework for Salmonella in Poultry(Apr. 24, 2025)
- FOX 13, USDA withdraws plan to limit salmonella levels in raw poultry
- The New Lede, USDA withdraws proposed rule meant to reduce Salmonella in poultry products (Apr. 2025)
- Reuters via Insurance Journal, CDC Declares ByHeart Infant Botulism Outbreak Over, Probe Continues(Feb. 27, 2026)
- Just Food, ByHeart botulism outbreak over but probe continues (Feb. 27, 2026)
- Food Safety Tech, FDA Calls on Infant Formula Industry to Better Safeguard Against Contaminants(July 2026)
- Peter Lurie, CSPI, RFK Jr. leaves GRAS loophole ajar (Aug. 10, 2026)
- FactCheck.org, HR 1 SNAP and Medicaid changes
- Roll Call, Farm bill coverage: SNAP cost-share provisions









